The new Danish government led by Social Democrat Helle Thorning-Schmidt may make history as a green government. A new energy plan contains sky-high ambitions. The business community is cautiously positive - but fears for its competitiveness.
In the weeks leading up to the climate summit in Durban there is intense debate in Sweden – on care for the elderly. The private equity firm Carema has neglected old and senile people. The company has earned big money from Swedish taxpayers while Carema's own profits have been transferred to the tax haven of Jersey. A series of reports on television, radio and in all the Swedish newspapers have has dominated the debate and shaken the government. It is perhaps typical of our times.
In the winter, or the spring, the Norwegian parliament (Storting) will make the unpopular decisions which will result in tremendous cuts in Norwegian climate gas emissions by 2020. Or perhaps there will be yet another delay? 14 years' experience of follow-up to the Kyoto Agreement indicates that the politicians will once again put the difficult decisions off. It is much easier to save the rain forests in Brazil and Indonesia than to force Norwegians to drive their cars less.
Finland's climate policy has to a large extent involved an adjustment to the European Union's general climate line. The same applies to the Durban summit. Finland's support for the EU's target of a 30 per cent reduction in emissions is conditional, whereas all the major industrialised countries have sincerely promised to reduce their emissions. There is emphasis on the role of clean technology. Despite this, the main change that has occurred in the climate debate is that the whole subject has been side-tracked, left in the background of politics but out of sight.
Radical Islamics are still the biggest terror threat against Denmark. But after the tragedy in Norway there has been increased focus on political radicalism - on both the right and the left.
There has been considerable political turmoil in Iceland after the financial collapse in October 2008. After the banks went bankrupt there were mass protests in Reykjavik for days. They reached their peak in January 2009 in what came to be known as the 'household revolution' when fires were lit in the city, stones thrown at the Parliament (Alltinget) and the police used tear gas against the angry crowd.
To follow the Swedish debate on terrorism and political extremism you have to understand the concept of the roundabout dog. It might seem frivolous in such a serious context but the fact is that the security police's latest crackdown was based on such a dog.
When Jens Stoltenberg committed us all to meet terror with more openness and democracy, he added in the same sentence that we should never be naive. In the months that have elapsed since the 22 July, it has become clearer how difficult it is to weigh these promises up against each other. It has also been surprisingly difficult to assess whether Norwegian society has become more divided or more united after the terror attacks, and whether there are grounds for more or less extremism.
The last political assassination at ministerial level in Finland was in 1922. The organised far right is a very marginal group in the country. The extreme left has not been heard from in a long time. We have not seen any major political demonstrations for something or against something for a while. No suspicion of terrorism directed against Finland has emerged. Nevertheless, during the autumn, the waves in the debate of extreme political movements have surged high in the country and a new aggressiveness has emerged in the debate climate.
The leader of the Social Democrats, Helle Thorning-Schmidt, is the favourite to win the election in Denmark on Thursday, 15 September. She will have a tough challenge. She is leading a party that is on its way towards a disappointing result, and she will have to lead a disconnected coalition.
The Nordic Council's Environment Committee has recently submitted a statement to the EU Commission as an input to the reform of the EU agricultural subsidies. We attach importance to improving food safety and ensuring food supply and call for an agricultural policy that promotes production across the Nordic region.
Pohjoismaisen 14.7.1994 hyväksytyn sosiaalipalvelusopimuksen 7 artiklassa lukee: ”Pohjoismaan kansalaista ei saa lähettää kotiin sillä perusteella, että hän on sosiaalipalvelujen tai toimeentulotuen tarpeessa, jos hänen perhesuhteensa, siteensä asuinmaahan tai muut olosuhteet puoltavat hänen jäämistään sinne eikä missään tapauksessa, jos hän viimeisen kolmen vuoden ajan on laillisesti asunut maassa”.
Man har varit tvungen att minska hastigheten för tågen i Finland, eftersom järnvägarna är i allt sämre skick. Det finns stora behov av investeringar i trafiken i landet, men det är svårt att hitta finansiering. Statens trängda ekonomi har hindrat alla omfattande nya projekt fastän avstånden är långa i Finland och behoven av transporter stora. Trots det visionerar man om tunnel till Tallinn och järnväg till Ishavet.
The Nordic Ministerial Council for transport policies ceased to exist a few years ago although crossborder traffic is growing more than ever in the Nordic Region. Experience have also shown that grand crossborder transport projects can bind the Nordic countries closer together. Despite this increase and experience, it is still the national traffic projects that are prioritised when Nordic governments decide on transport policies. Analys Norden takes a look at what drives transport policies in the Nordic countries.
Islendingene er en bilnasjon, storforbrukere av biler. Her er det flere biler per innbygger enn noe annet sted i Europa, ca 665 biler per 1000 innbyggere, man må dra til USA for å finne et tilsvarende antall biler. Bilparken er også en av de mest energikrevende i verden i forhold til innbyggertall. Islendingene eier store biler, og islendinger bruker privatbiler til de aller fleste gjøremål. Bilen er ikke bare et transportmiddel, islendingens yttertøy og hans mest nyttige tjener, men også et statussymbol og en del av identiteten.
Åland består av 6 500 öar i havet. Detta faktum både skyddar och begränsar landskapet, beroende på vilket perspektiv man väljer. Hur man än ser på det är transporterna till och från öriket själva livsnerven för att upprätthålla ett ekonomiskt livskraftigt samhälle som är så litet och så perifert som Åland.
Politikere er velgerstyrt. Det er hovedforklaringen på at de mange vyer om nye veier og toglinjer til Sverige og resten av Europa forblir på tegnebrettet. Det er på norske veier og tog velgere flest befinner seg, og de vil at politikerne først bruker penger på å gjøre det norske transportnettet bedre. Kanskje er det likevel en endring på gang. Utredningene av høyhastighetstog er konkrete, og det toget kan komme til å starte i København.
Med planerne om styrket grænsekontrol har Danmark trukket overskrifter i den internationale presse, udløst EU-kommissionens vrede og modtaget skarp kritik fra Tyskland. Ironisk nok var kontrollen tænkt som en vindersag.
Sverige ligger mitt i Norden. Den svensk som vill resa till ett utomnordiskt land måste alltid passera genom eller förbi sina nordiska grannar. Samma sak gäller för alla de varor som skickas från Sverige till resten av världen. Svensk export till Ryssland går över Finland medan småländska möbler tar vägen över Danmark.
Scandinavian cross-border bridges and highways are given as an example for successful project management in an area where the EU is currently trying to cut waste, politicking and huge delays in execution by focusing on a 'core' network of transport routes.