„Skattaskjól“ er heitið á löndum þar sem ríkustu einstaklingar heims geyma fjármuni sína til þess að komast hjá skattlagningu í heimalandinu. Norðurlönd hafa síðan árið 2006 eflt starf sitt gegn skattaskjólum með árangri sem vekur eftirtekt. Hingað til hafa norrænar samningaviðræður haft í för með sér að náðst hafa samningar um skipti á upplýsingum um skattamál við meira en 40 lönd.
Samningarnir hafa haft í för með sér að löndin hafa endurheimt milljarða króna sem ekki hafa verið gefnar upp til skatts í viðkomandi löndum. Að auki hafa einstaklingar og fyrirtæki í Noregi, Svíþjóð og Danmörku getað gefið upp til skatts fjármagn sem áður hefur verið svikið undan skatti, án refsingar. Þegar hefur mörg hundruð milljónum verið skilað og trúlega munu upphæðirnar hækka til muna á næstu árum.
Greiningar sýna að upplýsingaskiptasamningarnir hafa haft í för með sér aukið fjárstreymi til norrænu ríkjanna frá útlöndum þar sem fjárfest er eða sparað. Stærsti ávinningurinn fyrir ríkissjóði er einnig forvarnargildi samninganna. Niðurstaða þessa markvissa samstarfs er að Norðurlönd geta í framtíðinni komist hjá milljarða undanskotum.
Norska líkanið sýnir að það er hægt að berjast gegn skattaundanskotum þegar stjórnvöld vinna saman þvert á landamæri. Lausnirnar finnast þegar skattayfirvöld í þjóðlöndunum líta ekki á hvert annað sem keppinauta og ekki er hugsað um að hagnast á annarra þjóða tapi. Gagnkvæmt traust hefur gert það mögulegt að stofna alþjóðlegan vinnuhóp sem berst gegn skattaundanskotum (NAIS) sem í eru fulltrúar skattayfirvalda í norrænu ríkjunum fimm. Norska líkanið gegn skattaundanskotum hefur vakið alþjóðlega athygli og áhuga hjá OECD.
Samstarf Noregs, Svíþjóðar, Danmerkur, Finnlands, Íslands auk Færeyja, Grænlands og Álandseyja er einstakt í heimunum og baráttan gegn skattaskjólum sýnir að samstarfið nær árangri sem er einnig einstakur.
Dagfinn Høybråten
]]>The mission was to identify areas where a coordinated Nordic approach to green growth would have an added value, both in the short term and from a more strategic long-term perspective. The work took its outset in a report by consulting firm McKinsey and in the OECD definition of green growth.
“We decided to focus on the macro effects of greening the economy, rather than concentrating on specific sectors like renewable energy and cleantech”, says Øyvind Lone, senior advisor in the Norwegian Ministry of Environment and Norway’s representative on the task force. “Our approach aims at a general increase in employment and an overall improvement for the environment”.
This aligns well with the Nordic environmental tradition, as the countries have previously been able to green their economies considerably, while maintaining a high level of employment and economic growth.
According to Lone, the Nordic social model is characterised by efficient public administration and close cooperation between business, labour and government.
“We have a strong public sector, but also a very strong market”, he says.
To accommodate the Nordic particularities, the task force looked towards economic instruments and government interventions that would motivate green growth in the region.
“We wanted to cover the whole range of policy areas relevant to this – education, research, energy and transport – and even some new development areas in the Nordic cooperation”, Lone explains.
Creating optimal conditions for development, production and commercialisation of innovative green technology is highly prioritised. To this end, the task force pointed in particular at closer cooperation on research and education, the establishment of Nordic test centres for green solutions, and coordinated technical standards and norms across the region.
“By combining ambitious environmental policies and cooperation on technology development, we become a major force and a major market. Coordinated technical standards and norms would make it much easier for Nordic companies to operate in all five countries and then export their technologies to Europe and the rest of the world”, Lone says.
“One of the best examples of Nordic cooperation that has direct practical impact is our common electricity market”, says Lone, referring to the recommendation of promoting flexible consumption of electricity.
He also mentions coordination of the region’s position in relation to international environmental negotiations and the Nordic environmental label, the Swan, as valuable output from Nordic cooperation. The fact that waste processing is included in the priority areas chosen reflects the region’s high ambitions in the environmental and green technology fields.
“Waste streams from households and industry should not only be regarded as an environmental problem, but also as a resource that makes part of a circular economy. The Nordics are among the pioneers in reducing physical materials and waste streams from major industries and in developing technologies that transform waste into valuable products”, Lone states.
The task force suggests that the Nordic countries stimulate development and use of green technologies through public procurement at home, and take steps to integrate environmental incentives even more in Nordic development aid abroad.
“Green public procurement is one of the most effective ways to bridge the gap between innovation and actual deployment and commercialisation of new technologies”, Lone says.
“By specifying environmental goals and standards in public contracts and purchasing, you can build up a large enough market to bring the innovation to full-scale commercialisation”.
Leading from the front while remaining competitive
The major challenge for the Nordics right now is to show the courage to lead the way, without compromising their competitiveness. This requires ambitious goals for public and private green investment in the coming years.
“Ideally, climate change and global warming should be dealt with through a global effort. As everybody knows, this has turned out to be extremely complicated. Regional cooperation at the Nordic and European levels allows us to take the steps necessary to start the process while we are all waiting for the big international climate breakthrough”, Lone says.
“There are a number of great challenges remaining on environmental issues, climate change and biodiversity. I therefore hope that the eight areas in the Nordic Council of Ministers green growth initiative will receive significant funding, much like the top-level research initiative back in 2008”, Øyvind Lone concludes.
Read more about the eight priorities in the coming editions of Green growth – the Nordic way.
One of the eight focus areas under the Nordic Council of Ministers’ green growth initiative deals with the Nordic electricity market. The aim is to increase the flexibility for consumers in a market that is already among the most flexible and integrated on the supply side.
Large power quantities are already traded between the region’s transmission companies at the Nordic wholesale electricity market, whereas the retail market, that covers the sale of power to end-use customers, e.g. households and businesses, is not equally integrated.
Increased consumer flexibility and Nordic integration of the retail market will allow consumers to contribute actively to improved energy efficiency, and also create valuable opportunities for Nordic energy technology development companies.
Electricity exchange between the Nordic countries has been utilized to balance supply and demand for decades. Together, the joint electricity market and transmission grid, connecting Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Finland, enable a swift reaction to power shortages. If they arise, electricity can easily be transferred from areas with energy surplus.
The market was formalised in the Louisiana declaration in 1995 and has undergone continuous development since then. It has become a pilot case for regional electricity markets and cross-border energy cooperation, based on its success in connecting the countries’ complementary energy sources in order to guarantee stable electricity supply.
As opposed to the rest of Europe, the Nordics as a whole only to a very limited degree rely on coal, gas and oil to secure back-up capacity. This is primarily thanks to the region’s considerable hydroelectricity production and the highly effective cooperation between the national Nordic power grid companies.
Even if two thirds of the entire Nordic electricity consumption already comes from renewables, an extensive expansion of renewable energy production is on the drawing board. Investment in the Nordic grid in the coming years will evolve around EU’s objectives of reaching a 20% share of energy from renewable sources by 2020.
The market’s flexibility becomes even more relevant with this increased integration of renewables, such as wind and solar power, in the Nordic grid. While the increase is necessary to react to the global climate issues, the intermittent character of these energy sources creates new challenges for the market.
“Due to the increase in the use of renewables, we will experience more periods with excess production from renewable energy sources, leading to lower prices, and periods where large consumer demand coincides with limited production, which results in higher prices,” says Mette Vingaard from the Danish Energy Agency.
The Nordic Prime Ministers’ green growth task force identified more flexible consumption of electricity as one of their eight green growth priorities. The idea is to provide consumers with more transparent information on variations in electricity prices, and thus allow them to make informed choices about their consumption.
“Increased consumption flexibility is important for efficient use of our electricity and the electricity grid in two ways. Activating it will move consumption from periods with low renewable generation to periods with excess renewable energy generation, but also move consumption away from hours with high peak consumption to avoid strain in the grid capacity,” Vingaard explains.
A joint Nordic approach to this problem would not only minimise the price of electricity for the consumer, but also be of great benefit for both the market itself and the environment. Clear incentives to align electricity consumption with the current supply of renewables would improve energy efficiency considerably. As a result, the need for a costly expansion of the Nordic transmission infrastructure would be reduced.
”Both in the Nordic countries and the EU, there is an increased need for a harmonised retail electricity market, where the right pricing signals are sent to the consumer through smart grid technologies,” Vingaard says.
“This will create significant incentives for flexible energy consumption, which supports the transition towards an energy system based on renewable energy sources.”
To facilitate this change, consumers need ready access to information about their consumption patterns and an overview of the electricity prices on an hour-to-hour basis. Here, smart electric meters are key to provide consumers with this knowledge.
“A common Nordic front position on the retail market represents important growth perspectives. It creates a much larger marketplace for the Nordic companies that are developing new smart grid technologies,” she says, adding that a combined Nordic home market opens a strong export pathway for Nordic businesses.
Traditionally, the Nordic countries are among the frontrunners in Europe when it comes to market development of both the wholesale and retail markets within the electricity sector.
“A consolidated Nordic retail market has the potential of becoming an important pivot point for the development of the EU retail market. This could ensure that the coming harmonisation in the EU will take Nordic conditions and existing Nordic models into account,” says Mette Vingaard from the Danish Energy Agency.
]]>„Eitt af mikilvægustu markmiðum okkar hefur verið að dreifa norðurljósunum, svo að segja, með því að segja sögu Norðurlandanna og hvað þau standa fyrir. Samkvæmt bandarískum fjölmiðlum var Nordic Cool 2013 frábært dæmi um „svæðisbundna markaðssetningu“. „Allir sem tóku þátt fá hæstu einkunn“, segir Dagfinn Høybråten, framkvæmdastjóri Norrænu ráðherranefndarinnar.
Talið er að um 200.000 manns hafi sótt hina fjölmörgu viðburði hátíðarinnar og að hún hafi náð til um einnar milljónar Bandaríkjamanna í gegnum fjölmiðla. Hátíðin hefur einnig verið í fréttum á Norðurlöndum þar sem dagblöð, útvarp og sjónvarp hafa fylgt hátíðinni vel eftir og fjallað um virði sameignlegs verkefnis sem þessa.
„Þetta hefur verið sögulegt verkefni fyrir okkur. Hátíðin er stærsti menningarviðburður nokkru sinni í Bandaríkjunum og árangurinn hefur verið ótrúlegur. Okkur hefur verið afar vel tekið og viðbrögð þátttakenda og almennings framar vonum, svo maður tali ekki um þá virðingu sem hátíðin hefur skapað okkur í DC almennt“, segir Jonas Hafström, sendiherra Svíþjóðar.
Sænska sendiráðið sem staðsett er við Potomac ána gegnt Kennedy Center hefur verið þungamiðja dagskránnar. Auk viðburða í Kennedy Center hafa House of Sweden og aðrir staðir víða um borgina hýst fjölda viðburða sem tengjast hátíðinni.
Sendiráðin fimm - ásamt menningar- og listaáætlunum landanna - hafa einnig tekið jafnmikinn þátt í verkefninu og þetta er ekki í fyrsta sinn sem þau vinna saman. Á níunda áratug síðustu aldar var haldin norræn tónlistarhátíð og árið 2000 var haldin sameiginleg víkingahátíð í Washington. Árlega er haldin djass hátíð sem sendiráðin fimm skiptast á um að sjá um og nýlega hefur norræn matargerðarlist verið í brennidepli.
„Árið 2011 var skipulagt verkefni um mat í skólum þar sem rúmlega 45.000 börn á svæðinu fengu að kynnast norrænum mat og sérstaklega þeim gildum sem felast í norrænni matargerðarlist. Í raun voru stjórnvöld í Washington DC svo hrifin af hugmyndinni að þau hafa ákveðið að halda alþjóðlega matarhátíð fyrir börnin á hverju ári“, segir Ritva Koukku-Ronde, sendiherra Finnlands.
Á þennan hátt, endurgjalda sendiráðin borginni og landinu, segir hún, og undirstrika á þann hátt það hlutverk sem Norðurlöndin oft gegna sem lýsandi dæmi um nýsköpun og samstarf.
Norrænu ríkin eru mun sterkari þegar þau standa saman segir sendiherra Íslands í Bandaríkjunum.
„Við verðum ekki eingöngu sýnilegri þegar öll ríkin fimm vinna saman. Í þessu tilfelli höfum við einnig náð að vera meira skapandi og nýstárleg. Við fáum hugmyndir frá hvert öðru, við lærum hvert af öðru og þetta hefur styrkt tengslin milli sendiráðanna„ segir Guðmundur Árni Stefánsson.
„Og það sem mikilvægara er, við höfum öll öðlast betri tengsl við leiðandi menningarstofnanir í DC en við höfðum fyrir. Svo ekki sé talað um þá staðreynd að við veitum listamönnum frá löndum okkar tækifæri til að koma fram á alþjóðavettvangi og sjá að þeir eru meðal þeirra bestu“, bætir hann við.
Það hafa auðvitað verið ljón á veginum.
„Jafnvel þó að norrænu ríkin eigi margt sameiginlegt, framkvæmum við hluti á mismunandi hátt og ríkisstjórnir okkar forgangsraða á ólíkan hátt. Sameiginlegt norrænt verkefni tekur lengri tíma en tvíhliða verkefni. Það er þess virði, þar sem við fáum svo mikið meira út úr því að vinna stórt verkefni í sameiningu“, segir Peter Taksøe-Jensen, sendiherra Danmerkur.
„Við hefðum ekki getað látið okkur dreyma um betri fjölmiðlaumfjöllun. Áhuginn á Nordic Cool í Washington hefur verið ótrúlegur“, bætir hann við.
Wegger Chr. Strommen sendiherra Noregs er sammála:
„Ég er sannfærður um að norrænu ríkin hagnast öll þegar við vinnum saman, bæði sem hópur og hvert fyrir sig. Nordic Cool hátíðin hefur sýnt okkur að norrænt samstarf getur verið afar nytsamlegt þegar kemur að því að auka sýnileika Noregs. Ef við hefðum unnið ein, hefðum við ekki geta komin menningu Noregs á framfæri í eins miklum mæli og við gerðum á Nordic Cool“.
Sendiherrarnir fimm eru sammála um að Nordic Cool verkefnið geti á einn eða annan hátt verið öðrum sendiráðum og fulltrúum ríkja fyrirmynd.
„Flestir Bandaríkjamenn líta á Norðurlönd sem eina heild og geta ekki greint ríkin frá hvert öðru. Ég myndi álíta að þetta sé raunin í öllum ríkjum og svæðum sem eru langt frá Norðurlöndum“, segir Peter Taksøe-Jensen, sendiherra Danmerkur.
„Það virðist vera niðurstaðan að það borgar sig að vinna saman á alþjóðavettvangi, þegar tekið er tillit til tíma, kostnaðar og áhrifa.
Að fjárfesta í samstarfi af þessari gerð og sameiginlegum áherslum er það eina rétta í augnablikinu. Við erum á margan hátt of lítil sem ríki til að standa ein í hnattvæddum heimi“ er niðurstaða Ritva Koukku-Ronde, sendiherra Finnlands.“
Aðrir fylgja í kjölfarið og sendiráð Norðurlandanna í Rússlandi, Þýskalandi, Rúmeníu og Japan hafa nú þegar unnið eða eru að skipuleggja sameiginlega viðburði í samstarfi við Norrænu ráðherranefndina.
Nordic Cool 2013 – staðreyndir og tölur
Nordic Cool hátíðin stóð yfir frá 19.febrúar til 17. mars 2013 í Washington DC. Á hátíðinni voru margvíslegir viðburðir, tónleikar, kvikmyndasýningar, upplestur bókmennta, arkitektúr, hönnun og handverk, auk námstefna og fyrirlestra forvígismanna á sviði menningar og lista úr norræna stjórnmála-, lista- og menningarumhverfinu.
Nordic Cool var haldið af John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts í samstarfi við Norrænu ráðherranefndina og sendiráð Norðurlandanna í Washington, auk menningar- og listaáætlana norrænu ríkjanna og Grænlands, Álandseyja og Færeyja.
Auk víðfeðmrar dagskrár á sviði lista voru haldnir viðburðir samhliða sem fjölluðu um pólitískar áherslur og grundvallar gildi norrænu ríkjanna þ.á.m. grænan hagvöxt, sjálfbæra velferð, jafnrétti kynjanna, nýja norræna matargerðarlist og loftslags- og orkumál.
Heildarkostnaður var um 8 milljónir bandaríkjadala. Kostnaður Norrænu ráðherranefndarinnar var um 800.000 dalir og Norræna menningarsjóðsins um 100.000 bandaríkjadalir. Norrænu ríkin greiddu um 200.000 dali hvert um sig. The Kennedy Center greiddi megnið af kostnaði eða um 6,2 milljónir bandaríkjadala.
Heildarkostnaður við hátíðina var um 45 milljónir danskra króna, sem að mestu var greiddur af Kenndy Center og bakhjörlum þess. Norræn ráðherranefndin greiddi 4,5 milljónir danskra króna, Norræni menningarsjóðurinn u.þ.b. 600.000 danskar krónur og hvert norrænu ríkjanna u.þ.b. 1,2 milljónir danskra króna.
Dagens nordiska försvarsamarbete har pågått länge. Sin ”nystart” fick samarbetet då dåvarande norska försvarschefen Sverre Diesen kontaktade sin svenska kollega Håkan Syren och uttryckte sitt bekymmer över sin försvarsbudget och föreslog att man skulle utreda möjligheterna till kostnadsinbesparande samarbete. Eftersom Syren drogs med samma problem, behövde han inte fundera. Ganska snart kopplades också den finska kollegan Juhani Kaskeala in i diskussionerna. Också han förhöll sig positivt till ett fördjupat samarbete, medan den danska kollegan inledningsvis intog en mera reserverad hållning.
En svensk-norsk förstudie över möjliga samarbetsområden initierades år 2005. År 2008 färdigställde Diesen, Kaskeala och Syren en omfattande utredning om hur det nordiska försvarssamarbetet kunde fördjupas och effektiveras. Rapporten identifierade 140 möjliga samarbetsprojekt.
Samarbetet får ytterligare en skjuts framåt i de förslag som den tidigare norska försvars- och utrikesministern Thorvald Stoltenberg på uppdrag av de nordiska utrikesministrarna presenterar i sin rapport ”Nordisk samarbeid om utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk” år 2009. Av de 13 förslag som ingår i rapporten berör hela nio direkt eller indirekt försvarssektorn. Hans trettonde förslag om en nordisk solidaritetsförklaring väckte mest diskussion och i början också direkt motstånd, särskilt i Finland, men har nu antagits av utrikesministrarna.
Också Stoltenberg motiverar sina förslag till utvidgat försvarssamarbete med stigande försvarsmaterielkostnader. Han säger att varje nordiskt land är för litet för att ensamt ha resurser att upprätthålla ett trovärdigt nationellt försvar. I Europa klarar endast Storbritannien, Tyskland, Frankrike och Ryssland av det. Oberoende av vad som låg bakom den svenska överbefälhavaren Sverker Göranssons påstående att det svenska försvaret ensamt kan hålla ut bara en vecka vid ett eventuellt angrepp, kom han att bekräfta Stoltenbergs tes.
Axiomet verkar vara, att kostnadstillväxten framtvingar en flernationell försvarsintegration i länder med färre än 10 miljoner invånare. Det är därför logiskt att de nordiska länderna närmar sig varandra. Den politiska och kulturella gemenskapen är en god grund för detta. Både behoven och den politiska viljan är symmetriska. En växande geopolitisk och strategisk intressegemenskap är ytterligare ett viktigt argument för mera samarbete.
Medan opinionsmätningarna både i Sverige och Finland visar ett ringa stöd för ett medlemskap i försvarsalliansen NATO, är stödet för ett ökat nordiskt försvarssamarbete stort. I den finska regeringens program finns uppfordrande skrivningar till stöd för detta och president Sauli Niinistö, som också är försvarsmaktens överbefälhavare har vid flera tillfällen talat varmt för mera samarbete.
Men allt är ändå icke en dans på rosor. Utrikesminister Bildt och försvarsminister Enström säger i en gemensam debattartikel i DN den 13.1 2013 med rubriken ”Försvarsmateriel kan ägas gemensamt i Norden”: ”Vi vill skapa en mer effektiv resursanvändning, högre kvalitet, ökad effekt och ytterligare bredd i den militära förmågan genom stärkt samarbete. Gemensamt ägande och utnyttjande av militära förmågor och resurser, så kallad pooling och sharing, är en central del av den svenska visionen för nordiskt försvarssamarbete. På sikt skulle de nordiska ländernas militära övningar kunna samordnas på ett strukturerat sätt och därmed uppnå ökad operativ effekt.”
Det är svårt att se någon dramatik i detta, snarare tvärtom. Men dramatik blev det trots allt i Finland. Försvarsminister Carl Haglund, på veckoslutsshopping med sin familj i ett shoppingcenter kommenterar artikeln i finsk TV. Han välkomnar Bildts och Enströms visioner. På frågan om inte en sådan utveckling av försvarsamarbetet skulle kräva någon form av avtal mellan länderna och kanske på sikt leda till en försvarsunion, svarade Haglund lite vagt att någon form av avtal säkert skulle komma att behövas och att han inte heller utesluter en union, men att en sådan inte är aktuell nu, utan möjligen någon gång i framtiden.
Så gick det som det brukar gå. Medierna valde att (miss)tolka honom så, att han föreslår en försvarsunion! Både president Niinistö och statsminister Katainen skyndade sig att lovorda samarbetet, men tog klart avstånd från både avtal och union. Någon uppretad tjänsteman – naturligtvis anonym - på försvarsministeriet ”sågar” sin minister, som han kallar ”säkerligen intelligent, men oerfaren” då han kläcker ur sig sådana dumheter. Och så är mediadrevet igång. Det räcker en dryg vecka, tills de sista dropparna ur den citronen är pressade och man hittar ett nytt objekt att attackera.
Under hela den debatten brydde sig ingen om att intressera sig för vad ett eventuellt avtal skulle innehålla; hur skulle arbetsfördelningen mellan länderna se ut, vem bidrar med vad i en eventuell krissituation, hur garanterar man ömsesidigheten osv. Det hade väl varit rimligt att veta vad man skulle förhålla sig till, innan man säger nej?
Själv finner jag det solklart att ett avtal, helst i form av ett statsfördag, behövs för att man har garantier för att samarbetet och den uttalade solidariteten faktiskt fungerar också i en kris. Märkligare än så är det faktiskt inte!
Också det Stoltenberska förslaget om nordiskt samarbete kring luftövervakning över Island väckte känslor i Finland. Orsaken är dels en processmiss; riksdagen uppfattade sig som överkörd av regeringens beslut om att också Finland deltar och reagerade med att säga att saken ingalunda är avgjord innan riksdagen har sagt sitt. Dels framträdde – vilket är legio i Finland – Nato-spöket. Ett deltagande under Nato-landet Norges ledning kunde vara en köksväg till Nato-medlemskap! Efter en del armbrytningar har nu enighet nåtts; också Finland deltar, men med obeväpnade jaktplan! Unikt även detta; de finska Hornet-planen är alltid annars beväpnade. Logiken bakom detta är för mig förborgad.
Men inte heller i Sverige är diskussionen enkel. Man är inne i en försvarsreform som skall vara slutförd år 2019 och riksdagen skall fatta nästa stora försvarsbeslut år 2015. Många tongivande politiker uttrycker oro över den svenska försvarsförmågan efter överbefälhavaren Sverker Göranssons uttalande om att man ensam klarar av att försvara Sverige endast en vecka. Både Folkpartiet och Kristdemokraterna önskar mera resurser till försvaret, medan Moderaterna, av tradition betraktade som försvarsvänliga, är tveksamma. Tveksamheten får nog anses höra till det särskilda ansvar för helheten, som alltid tynger ett statsministerpart.
Den analys av den svenska försvarsförmågan som den Kungliga krigsvetenskapsakademien gjort säger att för liten underhållsorganisation, dålig kommunikationsförmåga och för svagt luftvärn gör att Sveriges försvarsförmåga kommer att vara mycket låg när det nya försvaret ska stå klart år 2019.
Även om det svenska försvarsanslaget höjts är det knappast sannolikt att ökningen kommer att fullt ut kompensera de snabbt stigande försvarsmaterielkostnaderna. Och eftersom ett Nato-medlemskap varken i Sverige eller i Finland ser ut vara aktuella kan det nordiska försvarssamarbetet faktiskt ge det ”extra” som behövs för att upprätthålla en trovärdig försvarsförmåga. Det förutsätter politisk vilja till en långtgående integration av försvarsmakterna och ett statsfördrag mellan länderna. Att döma av diskussionen hittills är vägen dit inte alldeles spikrak. Men pengar, eller riktigare uttryckt, bristen på pengar är ibland den bästa konsulten.
Nordiska rådet kommer för sin del att bidra till utvecklandet av det nordiska försvarssamarbetet och tillföra en parlamentarisk dimension med dels sin temasession den 11.4 2013 i Stockholm och med en försvarspolitisk rundabordskonferens i september i Helsingfors.
]]>Vi er også ganske gode til å formidle kunnskapen gjennom et tusentalls årlige publikasjoner. Nå gjøres det et stort arbeid med å gjøre dette kunnskapsgrunnlaget mer tilgjengelig. Under overskriften Open Access vil vi øke synligheten av og tilgjengeligheten til alle våre publikasjoner, både dem vi selv utgir, og dem vi finansierer eksternt. Det vil vi gjøre gjennom et unikt samarbeid om som etterhvert kan bli en felles publiseringsplatform for alle som på en eller annen måte er en del av Nordisk Ministerråd.
Like viktig som å gjøre kunnskapsproduksjonen mer tilgjengelig, vil det være å tilrettelegge for at den i enda større grad kan anvendes til utforming av politikk og politiske løsninger til beste for nordiske borgere. En del av det uforløste nordiske potensiale ligger etter mitt syn i vår evne til å bruke resultatene av den omfattende nordiske prosjektvirksomheten til å utvikle slike løsninger. Dette blir et viktig fokus for mitt arbeid med prosjektvirksomheten framover.
]]>Nedenfor har Hallo Norden samlet alle de nordiske landes ambassader i Nordens kontaktinformationer på nettet, Facebook og Twitter.
Netsted: http://finland.um.dk/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Danmarks-ambassade-Helsinki
Netsted: http://island.um.dk/
Netsted: http://norge.um.dk/
Netsted: http://sverige.um.dk/
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/danmarksambassadeisverige
Netsted: http://www.finland.dk/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/finnishembassycopenhagen
Netsted: http://www.finland.is/fi/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/SuomenSuurlahetystoReykjavik
Netsted: http://www.finland.no/
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/TheFinnishEmbassyOslo
Netsted: http://www.finland.se/
Twitter: http://twitter.com/FinAmbSthlm
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/FinlandsAmbassadStockholm
Netsted: http://www.iceland.is/iceland-abroad/dk/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Islands-Ambassade-i-K%C3%B8benhavn-DK
Netsted: http://www.iceland.is/iceland-abroad/fi/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Embassy-of-Iceland-in-Helsinki
Netsted: http://www.iceland.is/iceland-abroad/no/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/IslandsAmbassadeOslo
Netsted: http://www.iceland.is/iceland-abroad/se/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/islandsambassadstockholm
Netsted: http://www.norsk.dk/
Netsted: http://www.norge.fi/
Netsted: http://www.noregur.is/
Netsted: http://www.norge.se/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Norges-ambassad-i-Stockholm
Netsted: http://www.swedenabroad.com/sv-SE/Ambassader/Kopenhamn/
Twitter: https://twitter.com/SwedeninDK
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/EmbassyOfSwedenInCopenhagen
Netsted: http://www.swedenabroad.com/sv-SE/Ambassader/Helsingfors/
Twitter: https://twitter.com/SveAmbFI
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/SverigesAmbassadIFinland
Netsted: http://www.swedenabroad.com/sv-SE/Ambassader/Reykjavik/
Twitter: https://twitter.com/SwedeninIS
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/sverigesambassad.reykjavik.3
Netsted: http://www.swedenabroad.com/sv-SE/Ambassader/Oslo/
Twitter: https://twitter.com/SwedeninNO
]]>Derfor er det et stort skridt i den rigtige retning, vi i dag tager, når vi sætter punktum for en historisk aftale, der forpligter Danmark til at arbejde målrettet på at fjerne eksisterende grænsehindringer og forhindre nye i at opstå. For første gang nogensinde lover vi hinanden at handle, og alle partier i Folketinget bakker op om aftalen. Det er et skridt, der har været længe undervejs, men som kommer til at gøre en tilsvarende stor forskel. Vores ambition er, at det skal være muligt at flytte, pendle, studere og drive erhvervsmæssig virksomhed på tværs af grænserne i Norden, uden man risikerer at havne i en gråzone – eller direkte bliver forhindret på grund af uklare love og regler. Et stærkt Norden er et åbent Norden, derfor er det vigtigt, at vi sikrer den frie bevægelighed mellem landene. Det er afgørende for, at vi kan udnytte vores nordiske samarbejdes potentiale.
Eksempel: I Danmark har vi i øjeblikket et overskud af personale i både sundhedssektoren og på skoleområdet, mens Norge mangler personale på de samme to områder. Det er derfor helt åbenlyst, at det er en stor gevinst både for den enkelte borger og for de to lande, hvis flere danskere benytter sig af de gode jobtilbud, der er i Norge. Det øger den økonomiske vækst i begge lande, og det giver den enkelte borger flere jobmuligheder og en større frihed. Den frihed må ikke begrænses af skatteregler, socialforsikringsordninger og praktikregler, der ikke passer sammen – eller som er så uklare, at det skræmmer den enkelte fra at vove springet. Vi må og kan indrette os smartere, og det er det, den nye aftale forpligter os til at arbejde målrettet for.
Verden ser med beundring på Norden for tiden. Senest har ”The Economist” skrevet om den ’nordiske supermodel’, at den er verdens førende, når det gælder reformer. I USA er den nordiske kultur netop blevet hyldet ved en månedlang kulturfestival i Washington D.C. Og de andre ”lande-familier”, som for eksempel de baltiske lande, Benelux-landene og Visegrad-landene, er også imponerede over, hvordan det nordiske samarbejde fungerer. Den store ros giver os anledning til at tænke over, hvad det er, vi egentlig kan i Norden – og hvor der er plads til forbedring, hvis vi også i fremtiden vil gå under betegnelsen ’supermodel’. Vores udfordringer vokser, samtidig med at vores budgetter skrumper. Det kræver, at vi hele tiden finder nye måder at indrette vores nordiske fællesskab på. Vi skal værne om det, og vi skal udvikle det.
Aftalen bringer Danmark i offensiven, fordi vi nu bliver foregangsland. Vi tager initiativet til at arbejde med en række grænsehindringer, der skal nedbrydes i et samarbejde med et eller flere nordiske lande. Det er der også et økonomisk potentiale i. Den økonomiske krise tvinger sparekniven ind på alle områder, og det er noget, vi er nødt til at forholde os til. Selvom vi i Norden har pasunion og fælles arbejdsmarked, er der stadig mange grænsehindringer, der generer borgere og virksomheder, der vil bevæge sig mellem landene. Og det er ikke bare en gene for den enkelte – det er også dyrt for statskasserne.
Et eksempel på en grænsehindring, hvor der er et klart økonomisk tab, finder vi i byggesektoren. Her ser vi, at byggeprojekter bliver både dyrere og mere besværlige, fordi der i de forskellige lande hersker forskelige standarder, som forhindrer, at vi bruger relevant byggemateriale fra andre nordiske lande. På samme måde har håndværkere og andre erhverv i flere tilfælde ikke kunnet bruge deres autorisation i andre nordiske lande, fordi vi ikke har fælles standarder for, hvad der skal til, før vi anerkender et erhverv. Det er dyrt. Bare det faktum at eksempelvis VVS’ere, elektrikere og lokoførere ikke kan udøve deres erhverv på den anden side af sundet, koster Danmark og Sverige 280 millioner kroner årligt. Vi må have tillid til, at den svenske lokofører, der kan føre toget sikkert gennem Sverige, kan gøre det samme i Danmark.
Vores nye aftale sikrer, at vi arbejder på en konkret løsning af problemerne for de omtalte VVS’ere, elektrikere og lokoførere – for bare at nævne nogle enkelte af de mange erhvervsgrupper, hvis arbejde er generet af grænsehindringer. Vi skal sørge for, at relevante erhverv kan bruges på kryds og tværs i Norden.
På uddannelsesområdet sætter aftalen fokus på det uheldige forhold, at danske elever har svært ved at komme i praktik i Sverige, samtidig med at svenske arbejdsgivere mangler fagfolk med netop de færdigheder, der vægtes højt på de danske uddannelser. En forklaring på dette findes i uddannelsessystemernes forskelligheder. Hvis vi får en øget indsigt i styrkerne ved de forskellige systemer på tværs af grænserne, vil det skabe et større praktikpladsmarked til gavn for både danske elever og svenske arbejdsgivere.
Også inden for sundheds- og velfærdsuddannelserne oplever de studerende hindringer, hvis de vil krydse landegrænserne i forbindelse med deres uddannelse. Som vi nævnte tidligere, er der mangel på både sundhedspersonale og lærere i Norge. Hvis vi også her fremmer mulighederne for uddannelsespraktik på tværs af de nordiske lande, får vi lettet flaskehalse og praktikmangel. Og så får vi bedre muligheder for at udnytte den uddannede arbejdskraft, som i øjeblikket kan have svært ved at finde fodfæste på arbejdsmarkedet i Danmark. Derudover skal ledige i de nordiske lande have bedre muligheder for at komme i virksomhedspraktik uden for deres hjemland – noget, som i dag er vanskeligt at føre ud i livet på grund af den nationale arbejdsmarkedslovgivning.
Hver eneste grænsehindring er kompleks, og derfor ligger der også et stort arbejde bag den aftale, der i dag falder på plads. Sidste år holdt de nordiske parlamenter debatter om grænsehindringer. I Danmark gik vi skridtet videre, da et enstemmigt Folketing vedtog at opfordre regeringen til at indgå en forpligtende aftale om arbejdet med grænsehindringer. Siden debatten sidste år har regeringen og Folketingets grænsehindringsarbejdsgruppe forhandlet alle mulige detaljer, der nu er samlet i en ti sider lang aftale, som sætter dagsordenen for, hvordan de enkelte ministerier skal arbejde med grænsehindringer – og hvordan de skal forhindre, at nye hindringer opstår.
Alle de nævnte eksempler understreger den samme pointe: Både den enkelte borger og de nordiske lande går i dag glip af en masse potentiale på grund af grænsehindringer. Det handler om økonomi, men det handler i høj grad også om muligheder og frihed for den enkelte. I dag hamrer vi en vigtig nordisk milepæl i jorden. Vi håber, at de øvrige nordiske lande kommer lige så langt, som vi kommer i dag, og vi tror på, at det vil lykkes. En af styrkerne i Norden er netop, at vi er gode til at tilpasse os. Vores fælles historie bærer præg af knappe ressourcer og et tæt naboskab. Vi har altid skullet få mere ud af mindre, og det kræver sammenhæng og ikke mindst samarbejde. Ud af det har vi formået at gro en evne til hele tiden at indrette os smartere, men også en stor tillid til hinanden. De evner skal vi udnytte nu, så vi kan ruste vores samarbejde til også i fremtiden at gå under betegnelsen ’den nordiske supermodel’.
Af minister for nordisk samarbejde Manu Sareen (R) og formand for Nordisk Råds danske delegation Bertel Haarder (V)
]]>
Niinpä vuoden 2011 Davosin kokouksessa yhtenä teeman oli juuri Pohjoismainen malli. Siinä etsittiin vastauksia kysymykseen, miksi malli toimii niin hyvin. Yhtä ainutta yleispätevää vastausta ei varmaan löydy, mutta vahva sosiaalinen yhtenäisyys tai koheesio näyttää olevan tutkijoiden mielestä tärkeä tekijä. Siinä yhdistyvät yksilöllisyys ja yhteisöllisyys sosiaaliseen luottamukseen; luotetaan sekä itseensä että yhteiskuntaan. Tämä luo otollisen pohjan tehokkaalle markkinataloudelle.
Mutta World Economic Forum ei ole ainoa taho, joka on kiinnostunut Pohjoismaista. Arvostettu talouslehti The Economist käsittelee maita kahdessa laajassa artikkelissa ja toteaa mm., että maat ovat välttäneet sekä Etelä-Euroopan taloudellisen skleroosin että Yhdysvaltojen äärimmäisen epätasa-arvon. Sekä oikean että vasemman laidan poliitikot voivat oppia Pohjoismaista lehti väittää. Tärkein opetus ei ole ideologinen vaan käytännöllinen. ”Valtio on suosittu, ei siksi, että se on iso, mutta koska se toimii… Jos syntyisit uudestaan missä tahansa maailmassa henkilönä, jolla on keskimääräinen älykkyys ja keskimääräiset tulot, haluaisit olla viikinki”.
Osallistuin taannoin Nordic Cool–nimisen kulttuurifestivaalin avajaisiin Kennedy Centerissä Washingtonissa. Neljän viikon ajan esitetään Pohjoismaista kulttuuria - taidetta, musiikkia, ruokaa, teatteria, tanssia, elokuvaa – amerikkalaiselle yleisölle 750 artistin voimalla. Tapahtuma maksaa kuusi miljoonaa euroa, josta Kennedy Center maksaa puolet, Pohjoismaiden ministerineuvosto 10 %, ja Islanti, Norja, Ruotsi, Suomi ja Tanska loput. Onkin selvää, että vain yhteistyöllä tällainen on mahdollinen.
Sisääntulohallissa vieraat kohtaavat Kaarina Kaikkosen 1.200 käytetyistä paidoista tehdyn Viikinkialusta muistuttavan taideteoksen ”Vieläkö kellumme?”. Tähän vaikuttavaan taideteokseen heijastuu Pohjoismaisen kulttuurin eri elementit: vesi, Viikinkiaika, materiaalin kierrättäminen.
Avajaisissa Tukholman Kuninkaallinen Filharmoninen orkesteri soitti kapellimestari Sakari Oramon johdolla Sibeliuksen, Alfvenin (Ruotsi), Nielsenin (Tanska), Griegin (Norja) ja Leifs´in (Islanti) teoksia sellaisella bravuurilla, että suosionosoitukset eivät meinanneet loppua. Satuin istumaan Kennedy Centerin ohjelmajohtajan vieressä, joka – aivan oikein – totesi, että Sibeliuksen Finlandia oli paras!
Amerikkalainen lehdistö on yllättävän kiinnostuneena seurannut festivaalia Washington Timesia ja New York Timesia myöten. Tässä tarjoutuu oiva tilaisuus matkailuelinkeinolle hyödyntää amerikkalaisten uteliaisuutta ja myönteistä suhtautumista Pohjoismaita kohtaan.
Kaiken kaikkiaan syntyy vaikutelma, että Pohjoismaita arvostetaan paljon enemmän Pohjoismaiden ulkopuolella kuin niiden sisällä.
Jan-Erik Enestam
]]>1. The Nordic Region – some main features
Power point: A map showing the Nordic region in the north of Europe
In 2005, the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Nordic Council published a thought- provoking report on how the Nordic region could prepare for accelerating globalisation. The title of the report was “The Nordic Region as a Global Winner Region, Tracing the Nordic Competitiveness Model”. The report stimulated debate and some new initiatives, and proved to be a very useful report indeed.
I must admit though that I never liked the title. If there is a winner, there must also be a loser. Regional co-operation does not yield losers! Prosperity in the Nordic region is a win-win situation. Not only do the 26 million inhabitants of the Nordic region benefit from close and efficient co-operation; the neighbouring countries and region also benefit. Consequently, I won’t define the Nordic region as a winner region, but rather as a region where the inhabitants and the politicians have learnt that co-operation is a useful instrument for creating a strong future.
According to the report, in international comparisons of competitiveness, the Nordic countries were among the top ten in the world in terms of technology and creativity. Interviews with key Nordic leaders from the business, research and culture communities emphasised that the challenge was to keep that position in a situation of accelerating globalisation. This will not be achieved by reducing integration in the Nordic region. On the contrary, the report concluded that more integration was needed in order to give the small regional economies an edge in an increasingly competitive world economy.
The report tried to explain why the Nordic countries had been relatively successful. Four fundamental conditions and eight common Nordic values were identified. I would like to share these with you:
Power point: Features described in the report “The Nordic Region as a Global Winner Region”.
Fundamental conditions:
Common values:
One of the main conclusions of the report was that strong social systems are good for business.
I agree with the analysis in the report. However, I feel that one very important element is missing from the list of “Fundamental conditions”, namely “differences” – differences in natural conditions, economic structures, and in the implementation of some of the pillars of the welfare services. The Nordic countries are different enough to learn from each other, yet similar enough to make this learning useful. We can learn from differences – differences can enable mutually beneficial trade and commerce.
Power point: Basic common values that are considered the pillars of Nordic co-operation
I would like to add to the list of common values on which Nordic co-operation is based: democracy and equality – especially between genders – fairness, rule of law, mutual respect, zero tolerance of corruption and, at least to some extent, understanding of each other´s languages.The Nordic welfare model is the tangible result of these common values.
The Nordic region is also characterised by relatively high taxes, large public sectors, a flexible labour market and free trade. Judging from international comparable statistics, this seems to be a good recipe for prosperity.
I would also like to emphasise that a prerequisite for new Nordic initiatives is that they yield Nordic value, a value over and above what the nation acting alone could accomplish.
2. A brief history of Nordic co-operation
“Norden”, the Nordic region, often referred to as Scandinavia, is the name we use for the countries that are mostly in the north and north-west of Europe. It includes Greenland, which geographically belongs to the North-American continent, and the Faroe Islands and Iceland in the Atlantic Ocean.
Long before historic time, as the icecap retreated after the last Ice Age, the area that now comprises Norway, Sweden and Denmark was inhabited by the same Nordic-Germanic group of people. The Viking period was one of great expansion for the Nordic people, and this had an impact on the development of the entire European continent. During this period, the Norsemen migrated and formed settlements in Iceland, the Faroe Islands and the south-west coast of Greenland. They even settled in North America for a brief period.
Some two thousand years ago, people of another origin with another language moved into Finland from the south and south-west. The Norsemen in Sweden migrated eastwards and gradually gained control over the land of the Finns.
Power point: List of important events (with year) in the common history of the Nordic countries
For hundreds of years, the Nordic region was split into two kingdoms – the Swedish that controlled Sweden and Finland, and the Danish that controlled the rest, including Greenland, Iceland and the Faroe Islands. For a brief period of time, however, the entire region was united under one single kingdom.
Traditionally there was great competition between the two kingdoms, which resulted in a series of wars, often as a result of different alliances with the greater powers of Europe of that time, namely Russia, France and England. In fact, the Napoleonic Wars led to the destruction of the traditional state structure in the region, and were catalytic for the current structure of five independent states and three autonomies of Greenland, the Faroe Islands and Åland Islands.
It is important to note that the Finns had a different language, but adopted the religion, culture, legal system, and social ideals prevailing in the region as a whole. For a period of 100 years, Finland was dominated by Russia, but gained independence in 1917.
It is a paradox that, while the five modern national states were developing separately, another movement started to grow. It was based on a romantic view of the past and originated in academic and cultural sectors, which began to ask why the Nordic countries were not united. Similar movements in other parts of Europe led to the formation of Italy and Germany.
During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, communication between the Nordic countries improved as a result of the industrial revolution. Various forms of civil and academic organisations began to cooperate across the Nordic borders. In 1873, expanding trade resulted in the Currency Union of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, but this ended in 1914.
The seeds for Nordic co-operation as we know it today came from grassroots level. After the First World War, co-operation began to accelerate, not least on the bases of common commercial interests, and inter-Nordic commerce increased significantly. Civic society was also instrumental in the change. In 1919, the first Nordic Associations were established in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, and they remain an important source of inspiration and ideas for Nordic co-operation.
The Second World War both united and split the Nordic countries. Mutual humanitarian assistance strengthened the bonds. Co-operation became more difficult during the Cold War – Finland was forced to consider the interests of the Soviet Union, and Denmark, Norway and Iceland abandoned their traditional neutrality in foreign and defence policy and joined NATO. Initiatives to establish a Nordic Defence Alliance and a Nordic Common Market were hindered by geopolitical complications.
The Nordic Council was set up in 1952 as a forum for co-operation between the national parliaments and the governments, taking into account the geopolitical restrictions. In 1962 the co-operation was formalised in the Treaty of Helsinki, which gave the Nordic Council a unique position as an intergovernmental organisation. In 1971, a decision was made to form the Nordic Council of Ministers. This was to clarify the division of responsibility between the parliaments on the one side and the governments on the other. A number of Nordic institutions were set up in areas where co-operation was deemed to be of financial benefit, and also with the aim to inspire cultural exchange and research.
The geopolitical situation changed with the fall of the Soviet Union, and Sweden and Finland joining the European Union in the early nineties, some 20 years after Denmark had joined. Norway and Iceland came closer to EU through the agreement on the European Economic Area. This paradigm change left its mark on Nordic official co-operation – for over 30 years, the co-operation had concentrated on intra-Nordic issues, but was now gradually opening up for broader international affairs. Foreign policy, defence policy, EU issues, Arctic issues, and peaceful and democratic development in neighbouring areas started to appear on the Nordic agenda.
3. The main components and structure of current Nordic co-operation
The extent of Nordic co-operation is hard to overestimate. There is hardly an organisation or an enterprise that in one way or another is not linked to formal or informal Nordic co-operation. However, the platform is the formal official co-operation vested in the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers.
3.1 The Nordic Council
Power point: Organisational diagram showing the Nordic Council
The Nordic Council has 87 elected members from the parliaments of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, as well as from the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland. The Council meets on one regular three-day session per year. The five Standing Committees meet four times annually and the Presidium five times, in addition to the regular session.
The five different groups of political parties that are represented in the Council also meet in conjunction with all Council assemblies.
The Council is the democratic pillar of Nordic co-operation. It delivers ideas and proposals for strengthening co-operation, exerts parliamentary control over the Nordic Council of Ministers and all Nordic institutions, and adopts the annual budget of the Nordic Council of Ministers. The recommendations adopted by the Council, between 20 and 30 annually, are either directed towards the Nordic Council of Ministers or towards the Governments of the 5 + 3 countries. According to the Treaty of Helsinki, both the Council of Ministers and the national governments are obligated to respond to the recommendations. If the Council of Ministers or the national governments disagree with the Council, they must motivate why they do not consider it possible to follow the recommendation of the Council.
3.2 The Nordic Council of Ministers
Power point: The organisation of the Nordic Council of Ministers
The Nordic Council of Ministers is the forum for Nordic governmental co-operation. The Prime Ministers have the overall responsibility for Nordic co-operation. In practice, responsibility is delegated to the Ministers for Nordic Co-operation and to the Nordic Committee for Co-operation, which co-ordinates the day-to-day work of the official political Nordic co-operation. In addition, the Ministerial Council can be convened in 10 different ministries, such as the ministers of finance, environment, education and culture.
The Nordic Council of Minsters can be considered as an extensive network of ministers, senior government officials, experts from national ministries and institutions, and over 30 Nordic institutions and cooperative organisations (listed in the annex).
Power point: List of Nordic institutions and cooperative organisations.
In addition to the Nordic Council of Ministers, the ministers of foreign affairs and ministers of defence hold regular Nordic meetings that are not formally part of the Nordic Council of Ministers. The co-operation on defence issues has been intensifying in recent years and can be considered as one of the most dynamic dimensions of Nordic co-operation.
4. Balkan region – Nordic region; the difference is evident
Power point: Map of Europe showing the Nordic Region and Western Balkan
During the last two hundred years the Nordic countries have not been at war with each other. There have been some conflicts but they have all been settled through peaceful measures.
After the Nordic Council was established in 1952, measures were taken to strengthen the ties; within education and culture, by establishing a passport union, and through agreement on mutual provision of welfare services. Today, some of these agreements overlap with wider European agreements to some extent.
There is considerable mobility between the Nordic countries and, each year, some 40 000 people move from one Nordic country to another.
The Danish, Swedish and Norwegian languages are very similar and communication is possible with minimal training. Icelanders have to adjust and learn one of the three Scandinavian languages in order to be understood. In Finland some 300 000 people (5% of the population) have Swedish as their mother tongue and all Finns have to learn Swedish in school. Generally, the ability to communicate in Swedish in Finland has deteriorated. In Nordic Council meetings there are simultaneous interpretations between the three Scandinavian languages, Finnish and Icelandic. In Committee meetings translation is made available upon request. The use of English in intra-Nordic communication appears to be growing.
Power point: Basic statistics of the Nordic Countries and the Western Balkan countries; countries, geographic size, populations, GDP)
There are 26 million people living in the Nordic region, compared to some 34 million in the Western Balkan. Geographically, excluding the great icecap in Greenland, the Nordic region is three times larger, with a population density of 21/km2 compared to 86 in the Western Balkan. Per capita GDP is about three times higher in the Nordic region.
The Balkan region is a complex mix of religion and ethnicity, and has been exploited by a number of Euro-Asian powers through the centuries. The Nordic region has relatively homogeneous populations in terms of religion and ethnicity, although diversity is increasing through immigration. The Nordic region has also been divided by the interference of European powers, but not to the extent experienced in the Balkan.
The differences between Western Balkan and the Nordic Region are clear and significant. Despite these significant differences, I hope that some of our experiences of co-operation in the Nordic Region can be usefully applied here in the Balkan Region.
5. From the past to the future
Power point: The many benefits of regional co-operation
Regional co-operation yields many economic and cultural benefits and can create a platform for stability and peace. The European Union illustrates this, as recognised last year when it received the Nobel Prize for Peace in Oslo. With the enlargement of the European Union, the importance of good co-operation with the sub-regions of Europe is growing. The European Union has recognised this, and this is clearly demonstrated in the regional strategies that have been established by the Union.
The development of regional co-operation is the result of positive public opinion, supportive civic society, political will as well as the geopolitical situation. It also depends on the perception that trade and mutual investment in industry and services and division of labour will facilitate the exploitation of the economic potential, both in the individual countries and in the region as a whole. Furthermore, it is nourished by the notion that small countries can have greater influence on global development, and be in a stronger position to defend their legitimate interests, through co-operation.
Common history and linguistic similarity facilitates co-operation and integration... but it is not vital. Past conflicts and lack of trust will hinder co-operation, but there are many examples where states have been able to put the conflicts of the past behind them and rebuild trust. The development of the relationship between Germany and France after the Second World War can serve as an example.
The co-operation between the Nordic Countries is often regarded as one of the best examples of in-depth and extensive co-operation between sovereign national states. It was facilitated by common history, homogeneous religion, similar cultures and related languages. It was made difficult by geo-politics, in particular during the Cold War. However, it is primarily the product of growing public support and commerce across borders, the need to seek support from other small states on the global political arena, and the understanding that economics of scale and division of labour yield benefits to society as a whole.
We cannot change the past, but we can form the future. Further regional co-operation in Western Balkan will, in my opinion, result from:
A civic society that influences public opinion
Power point: the points above
Finally, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to share my thoughts with you. I hope that this event marks progress in the work to make the Balkan Region more peaceful and prosperous. We must remember that it is our civil duty to be on the lookout for an opportunity to create something new and better for the future of our children. I believe developing co-operation in the Balkan region is one such opportunity.
Appendix
List of Nordic institutions and cooperative arrangements
NordForsk is a Nordic research board with responsibility for co-operation on research and researcher training in the Nordic region. The organisation focuses on research areas in which the Nordic countries are international leaders, and promotes research and researcher training of high international calibre.
Nordic Atlantic Co-operation (NORA)
NORA is a regional committee under the Nordic Council of Ministers' regional political co-operation programme, and functions as an intergovernmental collaborative agency and facilitator. Operating within the Nordic framework and utilizing a project-based platform affords NORA a unique opportunity to stimulate and facilitate transnational collaboration, based on Nordic goals and values.
Nordic Centre for Spatial Development (Nordregio)
The Nordic Centre for Spatial Development, is a leading international Nordic research institute in the broad field of regional studies. The centre undertakes strategic research with the aim of producing informed and relevant material for decision-makers at international, national and regional levels
Nordic Centre for Welfare and Social Issues
The Nordic Centre for Welfare and Social Issues aims to improve the quality of social policies in the Nordic countries through education, information, the promotion of research, development work, network building and international co-operation.
Nordic Council for Reindeer Husbandry Research (NOR)
NOR is an organisation that aims to improve co-operation among Nordic scientists working in the fields of reindeer/caribou and reindeer husbandry, and to establish connections for sharing information between reindeer research, husbandry and management.
The council is a policy-making and advisory body for the Nordic Council of Ministers that brings important matters of disability policy onto the Nordic and national political agendas.
The aim of the Nordic Culture Fund is to support a broad spectrum of cultural co-operation initiatives between the Nordic countries.
Nordic Culture Point is a strong and innovative Nordic cultural player active throughout the Nordic region. Nordic Culture Point, which began operations in its current form on 1 January 2012, was formed by the fusion of the Nordic Institute in Finland (Nifin) and the former Nordic Culture Point. The new institute is a central Nordic meeting point located in Finland. It spreads knowledge of and interest in the Nordic region, and administers the Nordic Council of Ministers’ two funding programmes for culture. The institute also provides a point of contact for Nordic cultural co-operation and information about that co-operation in the Nordic region and beyond. The director of Nordic Culture Point is Per Voetmann, and the institute has offices in central Helsinki and Suomenlinna. The institute is a Nordic Council of Ministers institution.
Nordic Energy Research is the funding institution for energy research under the Nordic Council of Ministers – an intergovernmental body between Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Iceland.
Nordic Environment Finance Corporation (NEFCO)
NEFCO is a joint Nordic financial institution whose primary purpose is to generate positive environmental effects of interest to the Nordic region by funding projects in Central and Eastern Europe countries.
The Fund's primary purpose is to promote film and TV productions of high quality in the five Nordic countries by providing support for top-up financing of feature films, TV-fiction / series and creative documentaries.
The main mission of the Nordic Game Program is to ensure access to quality Nordic computer games for children and young people.
Nordic Gene Resource Centre (NordGen)
NordGen – the Nordic Genetic Resource Centre – is a Nordic institution for the preservation and sustainable use of plants, farm animals and forests.
Nordic House in the Faroe Islands (FO)
The aim of the Nordic House is to support and promote Nordic and Faroese culture, and to establish closer links between cultural life locally and in the Nordic region.
Nordic Information Centre for Media and Communication Research (NORDICOM)
NORDICOM's work aims to spread knowledge in the area of media and communication research, and to develop media studies in the Nordic countries.
Nordic Innovation initiates and finances activities that enhance innovation, and co-operates primarily with small and medium-sized companies in the Nordic region. The mission is to make it easier to develop and conduct business in the Nordic region without obstacles caused by national boundaries.
Nordic Institute for Advanced Training in Occupational Health (NIVA)
NIVA is a Nordic organisation that provides a forum for the dissemination of knowledge in the field of occupational health and safety. NIVA organises various forms of training courses, seminars and workshops.
Nordic Institute for Theoretical Physics
NORDITA is the Nordic Institute for Theoretical Physics. Its purpose is to carry out research and strengthen the Nordic collaboration within the basic areas of theoretical physics.
Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS)
NIAS aims, through joint Nordic ventures, to optimise the use of research facilities and expertise in Asia.
Nordic Institute of Dental Materials (NIOM)
NIOM is charged with promoting the use of safe and suitable dental biomaterials and procedures in the Nordic countries to meet the health and technical requirements for developments in this field.
Nordic Institute of Maritime Law
The Institute's academic staff covers a wide range of private and public law subjects, with special interest in the fields of maritime and transportation law, insurance law, and petroleum and energy law.
The Nordic Journalist Centre creates and maintains interest in the media for Nordic affinity and cultural community. This goal is reached through courses, seminars and other competence-building initiatives.
Nordic Medico-Statistical Committee (NOMESKO)
NOMESKO is a permanent statistical committee under the Nordic Council of Ministers with separate funding from the Nordic Committee on Social Policy. One of the areas of responsibility is the co-ordination of health statistics in the Nordic countries.
Nopef is a funding institution under the Nordic Council of Ministers. Nopef aims to strengthen the international competitiveness of small and medium-sized Nordic enterprises by providing co-financing under special conditions for feasibility studies.
The Sámi University College is a Sami education and research institution that preserves and develops the Sami language, culture and social life from a common Sami perspective.
Nordic Social-Statistical Committee (NOSOSCO)
NOSOSKO is responsible for the co-ordination of social statistics in the Nordic countries and for undertaking comparative analyses and descriptions of the scope and the substance of social security measures.
Nordic Summer University (NSU)
The Nordic Summer University is a Nordic network for research and interdisciplinary studies. The goal is to provide researchers and students with a good platform for the exchange and development of new ideas.
Nordic Teachers´ Council (NLS)
The Nordic Teachers´ Council, NLS, aims to promote and strengthen pedagogical development and the status of teachers in society.
Nordic Volcanological Center (NORDVULK)
The institute is dedicated to research in dynamic geology with the emphasis on vulcanology and plate tectonics, and environmental areas related to these.
Nordjobb (Nordic Work Exchange Programme)
Nordjobb aims to increase knowledge of the Nordic countries, language and culture by offering young people between the ages of 18 and 28 a summer job in another Nordic country or autonomous territory.
NDF is the joint development finance institution of the Nordic countries. For 20 years NDF has granted 'soft' concessional credit to developing countries. NDF provides grant financing for climate change investments to the poorest countries in the world.
Nordic Forest Research Co-operation Committee (SNS)
SNS is a co-operative body financed with Nordic funds under the auspices of the Nordic Council of Ministers. The overall objective is to promote research into the diverse functions of the forests in sustainable forestry, as well as to advise the Nordic Council of Ministers on matters relating to forests and forestry research.
Nordic House in Reykjavik (NOREY)
The overarching goal of the Nordic House in Reykjavik is to stimulate Nordic co-operation and strengthen relations between the Nordic countries. The institution is a Nordic cultural and knowledge centre and a creative meeting place that fosters and supports cultural connections between Iceland and the other Nordic countries.
Nordic Joint Committee for Agricultural and Food Research (NKJ)
NKJ is a contact and co-ordinating body between the Nordic countries' research councils and the national ministries responsible for agricultural and food research.
Nordic School of Public Health (NHV)
NHV is an institution for higher education and research within the area of public health. The school offers basic, advanced, and research training courses in public health science for personnel in the health care and nursing professions in the Nordic countries and adjacent areas.
Another institution is the Nordic Investment Bank (NIB) which is now co-owned by the three Baltic states – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
]]>Filmen Play är inspirerad av verkliga händelser där unga vita pojkar rånas i ett köpcentrum av fem unga mörkhyade killar. Den väckte stor nationell debatt i Sverige där kritiker ansåg skildringen vara rasistisk.
- Det hade skett sextio till åttio fall av rån utförda av unga svarta killar i Göteborg. De var så oerhört unga och rånade offer som de aldrig sett förr. I detta köpcenter utspelas ett maktspel, vilket fångade vårt intresse, säger producent Erik Hemmendorff.
Filmens regissör Ruben Östlund och producent Erik Hemmendorff bjöds in till samtalet ”Efter Play-debatten - vad tänker filmmakarna själva?”, tillsammans med Birgitte Stærmose, regissör i Danmark, och Ahmed Abdullahi, regielev på Stockholms Dramatiska Högskola. Samtalet handlade om hur människor framställs på film, utifrån hudfärg och etnicitet, och vilka val de gör som filmskapare.
Kontroversiellt ämne på allvar
Stærmose är en av dem som hyllar filmen, som förutom Nordiska rådets filmpris vunnit Svenska Filmkritikerförbundets pris och tilldelats två guldbaggar av Svenska Filminstitutet. Hon menar att det är positivt att filmskaparna bakom Play, har lyckats provocera sin publik.
- Tar man ett kontroversiellt ämne och presenterar en lycklig historia tar man inte problemet på allvar. Play är ett starkt konstverk. Det är svårt att få en publik att reflektera.
Efter att Abdullahi sett filmen Play, tog han det slutgiltiga beslutet att själv bli filmregissör
- Rubens film motiverade mig att ansöka till utbildningen för att kunna berätta historier där jag själv kan identifiera mig med någon. Fler etniciteter måste befinna sig bakom filmen, säger Abdullahi som är uppvuxen i Somalia och Sverige.
Etnicitet som ämne
Östlund konstaterar att hudfärg är kontroversiellt och att bilden av dessa fem pojkar sätter igång tankar. Han frågar sig om vi gör hudfärgen till orsak för deras handlande, och med filmen ville han konfrontera sig själv och publiken med dessa frågor.
- Rånen var brutala. Varför skulle jag måla upp karaktärerna med goda egenskaper och göra dem annorlunda än vad de var?
- Jag har följt debatten, och läst era argument, säger Abdullahi. Även om jag tvingar mig att acceptera deras ondska, så saknar jag någon att identifiera mig med. I filmen är alla vita förutom rånarna. Nyanserna saknas. Svart och vitt är det enda som visas i filmen, säger han.
Stærmose är lite förvirrad över den svenska debatten där etnicitet behandlas som ämne:
- I Rubens film och i inbjudan behandlas etnicitet som ämne. Det är ovant för mig. Jag är gift med en amerikan som frågade, är jag etnisk? Vi saknade svar. I mina filmer har jag haft skådespelare från olika länder, det har aldrig uppmärksammats.
Förundrad regissör
Play provocerar fortfarande publiken, trots att debatten pågått länge. Bland åhörarna i Stockholm satt en far vars son blivit rånad tre gånger. Han hyllade filmen. Där satt en ung tjej som ifrågasatte målgruppen, hon efterlyste en förklarande handbok till den yngre publiken, och där satt en person som undrade om filmen inte gick Sverigedemokraternas ärende.
- Det är så lätt att hänvisa till Sverigedemokraternas fördomar och använda sig av resonemanget att ”Vi fattar filmen, men inte de andra”. Vi måste se våra egna fördomar, konstaterar Östlund. Tycker man att dessa frågor är viktiga blir jag förundrad över att alla blir så provocerade av Play och inte av alla matprogram.
Medverkande:
Ruben Östlund– regissör, Erik Hemmendorff–producent, Birgitte Stærmose, regissör,
Ahmed Abdullahi–regielev, Stockholms dramatiska högskola, Gustav Forsberg, moderator och dokumentärfilmare, undervisar på Stockholms dramatiska högskola
Utdrag ur motiveringen från Nordiska rådets filmpris jury: ”Play är en komplex, insiktsfull och begåvad socialpsykologisk fältstudie i mänskligt beteende, som tvingar åskådaren att spegla sig i sina egna fördomar och förutfattade meningar”.
Arrangör: Nordiska ministerrådets informationskontor
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Kiistan molemmat osapuolet ovat käyneet armotonta julkisuussotaa. Koko sivun ilmoituksilla puolustetaan omia näkemyksiä. Ilmoitusten perusteella vaikuttaa siltä, että työnantajan argumentit ovat uskottavampia. Opettajat ja niiden järjestö eivät ole vakuuttavasti pystyneet näyttämään, miksi eivät ole valmiita hyväksymään työnantajan vaatimuksia. He pitävät tiukasti kiinni ”saavutetuista eduista”. Esimerkki tällaisesta ”edusta” on, että he opettavat vain 3,3 tuntia päivässä, keskimäärin14 tuntia viikossa. Kun työviikossa on 37 tuntia, 23 tuntia käytetään muuhun kuin opetukseen. Vuoden aikana tanskalainen opettaja opettaa keskimäärin 40 viikkoa, ellei ole täyttänyt 60 vuotta, jolloin hänellä on oikeus vielä neljän viikon ylimääräiseen palkalliseen lomaan. Tanskalainen opettaja ansaitsee keskimäärin 38.576 tanskan kruunua (n. 5.140 e) kuukaudessa.
Työnantaja pitää opetustuntien vähäistä määrää esteenä opetuksen laadun parantamiseen ja vaatii opettajilta enemmän opetusta ja vähemmän muita tehtäviä. Tähän opettajat eivät toistaiseksi ole suostuneet. Tärkein perustelu on, että opetuksen valmisteluun tarvitaan riittävästi aikaa.
Tanskalaiset kollegani, joilla on kouluikäisiä lapsia, myötäilevät pääsääntöisesti työnantajan vaatimuksia. Siksi oli minulle yllätys, että opettajien mielenosoitus toimistoni vastapäätä parlamentin edessä houkutteli arviolta noin 40.000 kannattajaa. Sittemmin on selvinnyt, että heistä noin 30.000 oli opettajia ja loput muiden palkansaajajärjestöjen edustajia.
Mielenosoituksen tavoitteena oli vaikuttaa hallitukseen, joka toistaiseksi on ollut hiljaa. Opettajajärjestö kuitenkin syyttää hallitusta ja erityisesti sen valtiovarainministeriä yhteydenpidosta työnantajaan. Asetelma on herkkä, koska valtaosa opettajista uskotaan perinteisesti äänestävän täkäläistä vasemmistoliittoa, joka on ensimmäistä kertaa koskaan hallituksessa ja joka muutenkin on suurissa vaikeuksissa. Kannatus on puolittunut vaalituloksesta ja kolme eturivin parlamentaarikkoa on loikannut sosiaalidemokraatteihin.
Toinen kiista koskee koulujen johtamisjärjestelmää. Tänään opettajien järjestö päättää siitä, mitä kukin opettaja tekee. Työnantaja haluaa tähän muutosta niin, että johtovastuu on koulun johtajalla. Johtaja voisi uudessa mallissa arvioida, tarvitseeko esimerkiksi voimistelunopettaja yhtä monta tuntia valmistella kuusi jumppatuntia kuin äidinkielen opettaja kuusi tuntia tanskaa. Tätä vallan menetystä opettajajärjestö vastustaa kiivaasti.
Suomalaisittain on miellyttävää kuulla ja lukea, miten suosittu ”suomalainen koulumalli” on. Sekä työnantaja että koululaisten vanhemmat toivovat mallin soveltamista tanskalaisiin kouluihin. Täällä vallitsee käsitys, että opettajilla on auktoriteettia ja pystyvät siksi pitämään yllä kuria ja häiriköt matolla.
Uutinen kuria ylläpitäneestä ja siksi potkun saaneesta opettajasta ei ole vielä saavuttanut Tanskaa….
Jan-Erik Enestam
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Oikein masentavaksi keskustelu muuttuu, kun siihen onnistuu kytkemään Nato-mörön ikään kuin Natossa olisi jokin vika. Siihen kuuluvat länsimaiset demokratiat kuten valtaosa EU-maista. ”Impivaaralaiset” pelkäävät, että osallistuminen Ruotsin ja Nato-maa Norjan kanssa Islannin ilmatilan valvontaan olisi askel kohti Nato-jäsenyyttä! Nato-pelko kelpaa vastustamaan melkein mitä tahansa puolustukseen liittyvää asiaa, joka ei miellytä. Mielikuvitusta näyttää riittävän.
Ehdotus Pohjoismaiseen yhteistyöhön Islannin ilmatilan valvonnasta sisältyy Norjan entisen puolustus- ja ulkoministeri Thorvald Stoltenbergin raporttiin Pohjoismaisen yhteistyön tiivistämisestä ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikassa. Raportin 13 ehdotusta on otettu hyvin vastaan ja useimmat ovat jo joko toteutuneet tai toteutumassa. Nyt ilmavalvontaesitys pannaan täytäntöön niin, että Norja, Suomi ja Ruotsi vuonna 2014 vastaavat valvonnasta kolme viikkoa. Tehtävää on rajattu niin, ettei kyseessä ole ilmapartiointi, josta vain Nato vastaa, vaan pohjoismainen ilmavalvonnan harjoitus. Suomi osallistuu neljällä torjuntahävittäjällä. Operaatio maksaa n. miljoonaa euroa, mutta polttoainetta kuluu jopa vähemmän kuin kotimaan lennoilla. Arvioidaan, että noin 80 lentotuntia menisi harjoituksiin ja ne sisältyvät niihin yhteensä 8000 vuotuisiin lentotunteihin, jotka hävittäjillä joka tapauksessa on lennettävä. Asiaan ei siis liity mitään dramatiikkaa. Osallistuminen on suoraa jatkoa maiden ilmavoimien yhteisharjoituksiin, eikä käytännössä eroaisi niistä paitsi siinä, että kyseessä olisi vahva poliittinen signaali Pohjoismaiden sitoutumisesta puolustusyhteistyöhön. Se kertoisi myös, että yhteistyötä tehdään myös Atlantilla eikä vain Itämerellä.
On luonnollista, että oppositio vastustaa hallituksen politiikkaa. Vastustaminen on helpompaa, jos se perustuu epämääräisiin ja irrallisiin ”tietoihin”. Vaikuttaa siltä, että hallitus ei ole ajoissa pitänyt eduskuntaa ajan tasalla. Tämä selittää todennäköisesti myös sosiaalidemokraattisen eduskuntaryhmän empivää suhtautumista asiaan. On siksi ehkä paradoksaalista, että ulkoministeri Tuomioja on joutunut puolustamaan hallituksen linjaa omassa ryhmässään. Häntähän ei juuri tunneta puolustusystävällisyydestä. Toisaalta juuri siksi koko hanke on pidettävä täysin ”vaarattomana” eikä missään nimessä oikotienä Nato- jäsenyyteen.
Valitettavasti!
Jan-Erik Enestam
]]>Hallo Norden har sat ham stævne for at høre, hvilke tanker det nye medlem har gjort sig, efter at han i maj måned trådte ind som medlem i Grænsehindringsforum.
Grænsehindringsforum skal i landenes regeringer identificere, prioritere samt foreslå løsninger på konkrete grænsehindringer mellem landene. Disse ideer falder fint i hak med Heri Petersens ide om det grænseløse Norden. Han ser fordelen med et mere åbent og hindringsløst Norden, som han mener helt klart vil medføre samfundsøkonomiske fordele, og vil gøre Norden til en mere dynamisk region.
Trods hans korte periode i Grænsehindringsforum er det hans klare fornemmelse ”at netop det, at vi har et forum til at understøtte formålet om et grænseløst Norden, er en fordel, fordi det har den nødvendige tyngde og slagkraft, og derved er i stand til at lægge pres på myndigheder om at finde løsninger. Grænsehindringsforumet er jo repræsenteret ved lokal sagkundskab, og har vist sig at være effektive problemknusere.”
Til spørgsmålet, om den ene grænsehindring er vigtigere at få løst end en anden, svarer Heri Petersen, at: ” det kun er i begrænset grad muligt at rangordne grænsehindringernes vigtighed. Det er naturligvis dem, som forhindrer os i at flytte os på tværs af grænserne, og så er det dem, som ”bare” gør livet mere besværligt”.
Heri Petersen anerkender, at der hverken er fuldt overblik over eller nogen strategi for de grænsehindringer, der er mellem Færøerne og de andre nordiske lande, og om hvordan disse skal løses. Derfor vil han som en af sine hovedopgaver i Grænsehindringsforum få løst op på denne mangel ved at sikre, at man får “identificeret grænsehindringerne og får lagt en strategi for, hvordan hindringerne skal løses”.
Grænsehindringsforum, som er et politisk nedsat organ, mødes fire gange årligt, - udover de forskellige arrangementer, der er. Deres primære opgave er på opdrag af de nordiske regeringer at fremme den frie bevægelighed i Norden for både privatpersoner og virksomheder. Dette har Heri Petersen som lokal og nordisk repræsentant gjort sig nogle tanker om, hvordan man kan få løst op på. Færøerne deltog ikke i arbejdet med ekspertrapporten om grænsehindringer, derfor opfordrer Heri Petersen til, at man på Færøerne får genetableret et lokalt forum, ”hvor vi kan diskutere og finde løsninger på grænsehindringer”.
Det er en særlig udfordring at arbejde imod grænsehindringer på Færøerne, mener Heri Petersen: ”Vi ved, at grænsehindringer er af særlig stor vigtighed for Færøerne, da vi her har en forholdsvis større andel af folk, som er bosiddende på Færøerne og arbejder i et andet land. Vi har også forholdsvis stor emigration og immigration – netto er der for tiden tale om en større fraflytning. Da vi er et såkaldt yderområde, er det af særlig stor betydning, at befolkningen ønsker at blive boende, eller endnu bedre, at vi får en vis grad af tilflytning. Vi er jo en del af et globalt arbejdsmarked, og når det bliver for besværligt at arbejde i udlandet med bopæl på Færøerne, så er det så ligetil at flytte til udlandet. Hver gang en familie rykker teltpælene til et andet land, går det udover velfærdssamfundets bæredygtighed”, konkluderer han.
Heri Petersen, som sammen med konen Inga Samuelsen har tre små børn, er uddannet cand.scient.adm fra Aalborg Universitet. Han arbejder i det færøske socialministerium, hvor Annika Olsen både er sosialminister og minister i nordiske anliggender.
Han er udover sit medlemskab i Grænsehindringsforum også medlem af Nordisk Embedsmandskomité for Social- og Helsepolitik (EK-S)
Hallo Norden ønsker Heri Petersen held og lykke med arbejdet som medlem af Grænsehindringsforumet.
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The NDPC Warsaw conference will aim to offer a practical approach to financial support for CCI, as well as to present the participants with an opportunity to engage in the opinion-sharing and inspirational debates. Additionally, all parties will have a chance to propose concrete solutions to financial challenges of the cultural and creative industries, for example by trying to bridge the gap between public and private funding.
The conference will feature a presentation and a panel discussion touching on the issues of “Financial opportunities for the CCI operators in the ND area”. We will showcase the concrete experiences of the institutions in the Northern Dimension area that have successfully managed to fund their projects. The representatives of national governments and other European networks shall expect to receive crucial information on the core developments of the CCI financing.